Barry Goldwater | Wikipedia audio article

Barry Goldwater | Wikipedia audio article


Barry Morris Goldwater (January 2, 1909 – May
29, 1998) was an American politician, businessman and author who was a five-term Senator from
Arizona (1953–1965, 1969–1987) and the Republican Party nominee for President of
the United States in 1964. Despite his loss of the 1964 presidential election in a landslide,
Goldwater is the politician most often credited with sparking the resurgence of the American
conservative political movement in the 1960s. Goldwater was a vocal opponent of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 as he believed it to be an overreach by the federal government. Goldwater
rejected the legacy of the New Deal and fought with the conservative coalition against the
New Deal coalition. He also had a substantial impact on the libertarian movement. A significant
accomplishment in his career was the passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act of 1986.
In 1964, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the hard-fought Republican
presidential primaries. Although raised as an Episcopalian, Goldwater was the first candidate
of ethnically Jewish heritage to be nominated for President by a major American party (his
father was Jewish). Goldwater’s platform ultimately failed to gain the support of the electorate
and he lost the 1964 presidential election to incumbent Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson.
Goldwater returned to the Senate in 1969 and specialized in defense policy. As an elder
statesman of the party, Goldwater successfully urged President Richard Nixon to resign in
1974 when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment
was imminent.==Personal life==
Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was then the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron
M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine “JoJo” Williams. His father’s family had founded
Goldwater’s, a leading upscale department store in Phoenix. Goldwater’s paternal grandfather,
Michel Goldwasser, a Polish Jew, was born in 1821 in Konin, Poland, whence he immigrated
to London following the Revolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, he anglicized
his name from “Goldwasser” to “Goldwater.” Michel married Sarah Nathan, a member of an
English Jewish family, in the Great Synagogue of London.His father was Jewish and his mother,
who was Episcopalian, came from a New England family that included the theologian Roger
Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater’s parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix;
for his entire life, Goldwater was an Episcopalian, though on rare occasions he referred to himself
as Jewish. While he did not often attend church, he stated that “If a man acts in a religious
way, an ethical way, then he’s really a religious man—and it doesn’t have a lot to do with
how often he gets inside a church.”The family department store made the Goldwaters comfortably
wealthy. Goldwater graduated from Staunton Military Academy, an elite private school
in Virginia, and attended the University of Arizona for one year, where he joined the
Sigma Chi fraternity. Barry had never been close to his father, but he took over the
family business after Baron’s death in 1930. He became a Republican (in a heavily Democratic
state), promoted innovative business practices, and opposed the New Deal, especially because
it fostered labor unions. Goldwater came to know former President Herbert Hoover, whose
conservative politics he admired greatly.===Family===
In 1934, he married Margaret “Peggy” Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist from
Muncie, Indiana. They had four children: Joanne (born January 1, 1936), Barry (born July 15,
1938), Michael (born March 15, 1940), and Peggy (born July 27, 1944). Goldwater became
a widower in 1985, and in 1992 he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior.Goldwater’s
son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a United States House of Representatives member from
California from 1969 to 1983. Goldwater’s uncle Morris Goldwater (1852–1939)
was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor of Prescott, Arizona, and a businessman.Goldwater’s
grandson, Ty Ross, a former Zoli model, is openly gay and HIV positive, and the one who
inspired the elder Goldwater “to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights.”===Military career===
With the American entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in
the United States Army Air Forces. He became a pilot assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly
formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the
war flying between the U.S. and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America,
Nigeria, and Central Africa. He also flew “the hump” over the Himalayas to deliver supplies
to the Republic of China. Following World War II, Goldwater was a leading
proponent of creating the United States Air Force Academy, and later served on the Academy’s
Board of Visitors. The visitor center at the Academy is now named in his honor. As a colonel
he also founded the Arizona Air National Guard, and he would desegregate it two years before
the rest of the U.S. military. Goldwater was instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to support
desegregation of the armed services.Remaining in the Arizona Air National Guard and Air
Force Reserve after the war, he eventually retired as a Command Pilot with the rank of
major general. By that time, he had flown 165 different types of aircraft. As an Air
Force Reserve major general, he continued piloting aircraft, to include the B-52 Stratofortress,
until late in his military career. As of 2012, as a U.S. Senator, Goldwater had
a sign in his office that referenced his military career and mindset: “There are old pilots
and there are bold pilots, but there are no old, bold pilots.”===
Interests===Goldwater ran track and cross country in high
school, where he specialized in the 880 yard run. His parents strongly encouraged him to
compete in these sports, to Goldwater’s dismay. He often went by the nickname of “Rolling
Thunder.” In 1940, Goldwater became one of the first
people to run the Colorado River recreationally through Grand Canyon participating as an oarsman
on Norman Nevills’ second commercial river trip. Goldwater joined them in Green River,
Utah, and rowed his own boat down to Lake Mead.In 1970, the Arizona Historical Foundation
published the daily journal Goldwater had maintained on the Grand Canyon journey, including
his photographs, in a 209-page volume titled Delightful Journey.
In 1963, he joined the Arizona Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. He was
also a lifetime member of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the American Legion, and Sigma
Chi fraternity. He belonged to both the York Rite and Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, and
was awarded the 33rd degree in the Scottish Rite.==Political career==
In a heavily Democratic state, Goldwater became a conservative Republican and a friend of
Herbert Hoover. He was outspoken against New Deal liberalism, especially its close ties
to labor unions he considered corrupt. A pilot, active amateur radio operator, outdoorsman
and photographer, he criss-crossed Arizona and developed a deep interest in both the
natural and the human history of the state. He entered Phoenix politics in 1949, when
he was elected to the City Council as part of a nonpartisan team of candidates pledged
to clean up widespread prostitution and gambling. The team won every mayoral and council election
for the next two decades. Goldwater rebuilt the weak Republican party and was instrumental
in electing Howard Pyle as Governor in 1950.===U.S. Senator===
As a Republican he won a seat in the U.S. Senate in 1952, when he upset veteran Democrat
and Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland. He won largely by defeating McFarland in his
native Maricopa County by 12,600 votes, almost double the overall margin of 6,725 votes.
As a measure of how Democratic Arizona had been since joining the Union 40 years earlier,
Goldwater was only the second Republican ever to represent Arizona in the Senate. In his
first year in the Senate he desegregated the Senate cafeteria, insisting that his black
legislative assistant, Kathrine Maxwell, be served along with every other Senate employee.
He defeated McFarland again in 1958, with a strong showing in his first reelection;
he was the first Arizona Republican to win a second term in the Senate. Goldwater’s victory
was all the more remarkable since it came in a year the Democrats gained 13 seats in
the Senate. He gave up re-election for the Senate in 1964 in favor of his presidential
campaign. During his Senate career, Goldwater was regarded
as the “Grand Old Man of the Republican Party and one of the nation’s most respected exponents
of conservatism.”===
Criticism of the Eisenhower administration===
Goldwater was outspoken about the Eisenhower administration, calling some of the policies
of the Eisenhower administration too liberal for a Republican President. “…Democrats
delighted in pointing out that the junior senator was so headstrong that he had gone
out his way to criticize the president of his own party.” There was a Democratic majority
in Congress for most of Eisenhower’s career and Goldwater felt that President Dwight Eisenhower
was compromising too much with Democrats in order to get legislation passed. Early on
in his career as a senator for Arizona, he criticized the $71.8 billion budget that President
Eisenhower sent to Congress, stating “Now, however, I am not so sure. A $71.8 billion
budget not only shocks me, but it weakens my faith.” Goldwater opposed Eisenhower’s
pick of Earl Warren for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. “The day that Eisenhower appointed
Governor Earl Warren of California as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Goldwater did
not hesitate to express his misgivings.” Goldwater and the Eisenhower administration supported
the integration of schools in the south, but Goldwater felt the states should choose how
they wanted to integrate and should not be forced by the federal government. “Goldwater
criticized the use of federal troops. He accused the Eisenhower administration of violating
the Constitution by assuming powers reserved by the states. While he agreed that under
the law, every state should have integrated its schools, each state should integrate in
its own way.” There were high-ranking government officials following Goldwater’s critical stance
on the Eisenhower administration, even an Army General. “Fulbright’s startling revelation
that military personnel were being indoctrinated with the idea that the policies of the Commander
in Chief were treasonous dovetailed with the return to the news of the strange case of
General Edwin Walker.”===
Republican presidential primary, 1964===In 1964, Goldwater fought and won a multi-candidate
race for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination. His main rival was New York Governor
Nelson Rockefeller, whom he defeated by a narrow margin in the California primary. Eisenhower
gave his support to Goldwater when he told reporters, “I personally believe that Goldwater
is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we’re all Republicans.”
His nomination was opposed by liberal Republicans, who thought Goldwater’s demand for active
measures to defeat the Soviet Union, would foment a nuclear war. He delivered a captivating
acceptance speech, to which “he devoted more care…than to any other speech in his political
career. And with good reason: he would deliver it to the largest and most attentive audience
of his life. No other statement of the 1950s and 1960s, including The Conscience of a Conservative,
presents more truly Barry Goldwater’s basic beliefs and his positions on current issues.”===U.S. presidential campaign, 1964===At the time of Goldwater’s presidential candidacy,
the Republican Party was split between its conservative wing (based in the West and South)
and moderate/liberal wing, sometimes called Rockefeller Republicans (based in the Northeast).
Goldwater alarmed even some of his fellow partisans with his brand of staunch fiscal
conservatism and militant anti-communism. He was viewed by many traditional Republicans
as being too far on the right wing of the political spectrum to appeal to the mainstream
majority necessary to win a national election. As a result, moderate Republicans recruited
a series of opponents, including New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, Henry Cabot Lodge
Jr., of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton, to challenge him. Goldwater
would defeat Rockefeller in the winner-take-all California primary and secure the nomination.
He also had a solid backing from Southern Republicans. A young Birmingham lawyer, John
Grenier, secured commitments from 271 of 279 southern convention delegates to back Goldwater.
Grenier would serve as executive director of the national GOP during the Goldwater campaign,
the number 2 position to party chairman Dean Burch of Arizona.
Journalist John Adams says, “his acceptance speech was bold, reflecting his conservative
views, but not irrational. Rather than shrinking from those critics who accuse him of extremism,
Goldwater challenged them head-on” in his acceptance speech at the 1964 Republican Convention.
In his own words: I would remind you that extremism in the defense
of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice
is no virtue. His paraphrase of Cicero was included at the
suggestion of Harry V. Jaffa, though the speech was primarily written by Karl Hess. Because
of President Johnson’s popularity, Goldwater refrained from attacking the president directly.
He did not mention Johnson by name at all in his convention speech. Former U.S. Senator Prescott Bush, a moderate
Republican from Connecticut, was a friend of Goldwater and supported him in the general
election campaign. Bush’s son, George H. W. Bush (then running for the Senate from Texas
against Democrat Ralph Yarborough), was also a strong Goldwater supporter in both the nomination
and general election campaigns. Future Chief Justice of the United States
and fellow Arizonan William H. Rehnquist also first came to the attention of national Republicans
through his work as a legal adviser to Goldwater’s presidential campaign. Rehnquist had begun
his law practice in 1953 in the firm of Denison Kitchel of Phoenix, Goldwater’s national campaign
manager and friend of nearly three decades.Goldwater was painted as a dangerous figure by the Johnson
campaign, which countered Goldwater’s slogan “In your heart, you know he’s right” with
the lines “In your guts, you know he’s nuts,” and “In your heart, you know he might” (that
is, he might actually use nuclear weapons as opposed to using only deterrence). Johnson
himself did not mention Goldwater in his own acceptance speech at the 1964 Democratic National
Convention. Goldwater’s provocative advocacy of aggressive
tactics to prevent the spread of communism in Asia led to effective counterattacks from
Lyndon B. Johnson and his supporters, who claimed that Goldwater’s militancy would have
dire consequences, possibly even nuclear war. In a May 1964 speech, Goldwater suggested
that nuclear weapons should be treated more like conventional weapons and used in Vietnam,
specifically that they should have been used at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 to defoliate trees.
Regarding Vietnam, Goldwater charged that Johnson’s policy was devoid of “goal, course,
or purpose,” leaving “only sudden death in the jungles and the slow strangulation of
freedom.” Goldwater’s rhetoric on nuclear war was viewed by many as quite uncompromising,
a view buttressed by off-hand comments such as, “Let’s lob one into the men’s room at
the Kremlin.” He also advocated that field commanders in Vietnam and Europe should be
given the authority to use tactical nuclear weapons (which he called “small conventional
nuclear weapons”) without presidential confirmation. Goldwater countered the Johnson attacks by
criticizing the administration for its perceived ethical lapses, and stating in a commercial
that “we, as a nation, are not far from the kind of moral decay that has brought on the
fall of other nations and people…. I say it is time to put conscience back in government.
And by good example, put it back in all walks of American life.” Goldwater campaign commercials
included statements of support by actor Raymond Massey and moderate Republican senator Margaret
Chase Smith.Before the 1964 election, Fact magazine, published by Ralph Ginzburg, ran
a special issue titled “The Unconscious of a Conservative: A Special Issue on the Mind
of Barry Goldwater.” The two main articles contended that Goldwater was mentally unfit
to be president. The magazine supported this claim with the results of a poll of board-certified
psychiatrists. Fact had mailed questionnaires to 12,356 psychiatrists, receiving responses
from 2,417, of whom 1,189 said Goldwater was mentally incapable of holding the office of
president. Most of the other respondents declined to diagnose Goldwater because they had not
clinically interviewed him, but claimed that, although not psychologically unfit to preside,
Goldwater would be negligent and egregious in the role.After the election, Goldwater
sued the publisher, the editor and the magazine for libel in Goldwater v. Ginzburg. “Although
the jury awarded Goldwater only $1.00 in compensatory damages against all three defendants, it went
on to award him punitive damages of $25,000 against Ginzburg and $50,000 against Fact
magazine, Inc.” According to Warren Boroson, then-managing editor of Fact and now a financial
columnist, the main biography of Goldwater in the magazine was written by David Bar-Illan,
the Israeli pianist.====Political advertising====A Democratic campaign advertisement known
as Daisy showed a young girl counting daisy petals, from one to ten. Immediately following
this scene, a voiceover counted down from ten to one. The child’s face was shown as
a still photograph followed by images of nuclear explosions and mushroom clouds. The campaign
advertisement ended with a plea to vote for Johnson, implying that Goldwater (though not
mentioned by name) would provoke a nuclear war if elected. The advertisement, which featured
only a few spoken words and relied on imagery for its emotional impact, was one of the most
provocative in American political campaign history, and many analysts credit it as being
the birth of the modern style of “negative political ads” on television. The ad aired
only once and was immediately pulled, but it was then shown many times by local television
stations covering the controversy. Goldwater did not have ties to the Ku Klux
Klan (KKK), but was publicly endorsed by members of the organization. Lyndon Johnson exploited
this association during the elections, but Goldwater barred the KKK from supporting him
and denounced them.Past comments came back to haunt Goldwater throughout the campaign.
He had once called the Eisenhower administration “a dime-store New Deal” and the former president
never fully forgave him. Eisenhower did, however, film a television commercial with Goldwater.
Eisenhower qualified his voting for Goldwater in November by remarking that he had voted
not specifically for Goldwater, but for the Republican Party. In December 1961, Goldwater
had told a news conference that “sometimes I think this country would be better off if
we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea.” That comment
boomeranged on him during the campaign in the form of a Johnson television commercial,
as did remarks about making Social Security voluntary, and statements in Tennessee about
selling the Tennessee Valley Authority, a large local New Deal employer.The Goldwater
campaign spotlighted Ronald Reagan, who appeared in a campaign ad. In turn, Reagan gave a stirring,
nationally televised speech, “A Time for Choosing”, in support of Goldwater. The speech prompted
Reagan to seek the California Governorship in 1966 and jump-started his political career.
Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly, later well known for her fight against the Equal
Rights Amendment, first became known for writing a pro-Goldwater book, A Choice, Not an Echo,
attacking the moderate Republican establishment.====Results====Goldwater lost to President Lyndon Johnson
by a landslide, pulling down the GOP, which lost many seats in both houses of Congress.
Goldwater only won his home state of Arizona and five states in the Deep South, depicted
in red. The Southern states, traditionally Democratic up to that time, voted Republican
primarily as a statement of opposition to the Civil Rights Act, which had been passed
by Johnson and the Northern Democrats, as well as the majority of Republicans in Congress,
earlier that year.In the end, Goldwater received 38% of the popular vote, and carried just
six states: Arizona (with 51% of the popular vote) and the core states of the Deep South:
Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. In carrying Georgia by
a margin of 54–45%, Goldwater became the first Republican nominee to win the state.
However, the overall result was the worst showing in terms of popular vote and electoral
college vote for any post-World War II Republican. Indeed, he wouldn’t have even carried his
own state if not for a 20,000-vote margin in Maricopa County.
In all, Johnson won an overwhelming 486 electoral votes, to Goldwater’s 52. Goldwater, with
his customary bluntness, remarked, “We would have lost even if Abraham Lincoln had come
back and campaigned with us.” He maintained later in life that he would have won the election
if the country had not been in a state of extended grief following the assassination
of John F. Kennedy, and that it was simply not ready for a third president in just 14
months. Goldwater’s poor showing pulled down many
supporters. Of the 57 Republican Congressmen who endorsed Goldwater before the convention,
20 were defeated for reelection, along with many promising young Republicans. On the other
hand, the defeat of so many older politicians created openings for young conservatives to
move up the ladder. While the loss of moderate Republicans was temporary—they were back
by 1966—Goldwater also permanently pulled many conservative Southerners and white ethnics
out of the New Deal Coalition.According to Steve Kornacki of Salon, “In the South, Goldwater
broke through and won five states—the best showing in the region for a GOP candidate
since Reconstruction. In Mississippi—where Franklin D. Roosevelt had won nearly 100 percent
of the vote 28 years earlier—Goldwater claimed a staggering 87 percent.” It has frequently
been argued that Goldwater’s strong performance in Southern states previously regarded as
Democratic strongholds foreshadowed a larger shift in electoral trends in the coming decades
that would make the South a Republican bastion (an end to the “Solid South”)—first in presidential
politics and eventually at the congressional and state levels, as well. Also, Goldwater’s
uncompromising promotion of freedom was the start of a continuing shift in American politics
from liberalism to a conservative economic philosophy.===Return to U.S. Senate===Goldwater remained popular in Arizona, and
in the 1968 Senate election he was elected (this time) to the seat of retiring Senator
Carl Hayden. He was subsequently reelected in 1974 and 1980. The 1974 election saw Goldwater
easily reelected over his Democratic opponent, Jonathan Marshall, the publisher of The Scottsdale
Progress. His final campaign in 1980 was close, with Goldwater winning in a near draw against
Democratic challenger Bill Schulz. Goldwater said later that the close result convinced
him not to run again.===Retirement===
Goldwater seriously considered retirement in 1980 before deciding to run for reelection.
Peggy Goldwater reportedly hoped that her husband’s Senate term, due to end in January
1981, would be his last. Goldwater decided to run, planning to make the term his last
in the Senate. Goldwater faced a surprisingly tough battle for reelection. He was viewed
by some as out of touch and vulnerable for several reasons; most importantly, because
he had planned to retire in 1981, Goldwater had not visited many areas of Arizona outside
of Phoenix and Tucson. He was also challenged by a formidable opponent, Bill Schulz, a former
Republican turned Democrat and a wealthy real estate developer. Schulz was able to infuse
massive amounts of money into the campaign from his own fortune.
Arizona’s changing population also hurt Goldwater. The state’s population had soared, and a huge
portion of the electorate had not lived in the state when Goldwater was previously elected;
hence, many voters were less familiar with Goldwater’s actual beliefs, and he was on
the defensive for much of the campaign. Early returns on election night seemed to indicate
that Schulz would win. The counting of votes continued through the night and into the next
morning. At around daybreak, Goldwater learned that he had been reelected thanks to absentee
ballots, which were among the last to be counted. Goldwater’s surprisingly close victory in
1980 came despite Reagan’s 61% landslide over Jimmy Carter in Arizona. Republicans regained
control of the Senate, putting Goldwater in the most powerful position he ever had in
the Senate. Goldwater retired in 1987, serving as chair
of the Senate Intelligence and Armed Services Committees in his final term. Despite his
reputation as a firebrand in the 1960s, by the end of his career he was considered a
stabilizing influence in the Senate, one of the most respected members of either major
party. Although Goldwater remained staunchly anti-communist and “hawkish” on military issues,
he was a key supporter of the fight for ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty in the 1970s, which
would give control of the canal zone to the Republic of Panama. His most important legislative
achievement may have been the Goldwater–Nichols Act, which reorganized the U.S. military’s
senior-command structure.==Policies==
Goldwater became most associated with labor-union reform and anti-communism; he was a supporter
of the conservative coalition in Congress. His work on labor issues led to Congress passing
major anti-corruption reforms in 1957, and an all-out campaign by the AFL-CIO to defeat
his 1958 reelection bid. He voted against the censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy in
1954, but he never actually charged any individual with being a communist/Soviet agent. Goldwater
emphasized his strong opposition to the worldwide spread of communism in his 1960 book The Conscience
of a Conservative. The book became an important reference text in conservative political circles. In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign
that emphasized states’ rights. Goldwater’s 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives
since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Although he had
supported all previous federal civil rights legislation including the 1957 Civil Rights
Act H.R. 6127 and the 1960 Civil Rights Act H.R. 8601 and had supported the original Senate
version of the bill, Goldwater made the decision to oppose the Civil Rights Act of 1964. His
stance was based on his view that Article II and Article VII of the Act interfered with
the rights of private persons to do or not to do business with whomever they chose, and
believed that the private employment provisions of the Act would lead to racial quotas. In
the segregated city of Phoenix in the 1950s, he had quietly supported civil rights for
blacks, but would not let his name be used.All this appealed to white Southern Democrats,
and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep
South states (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana) since Reconstruction
(although Dwight Eisenhower did carry Louisiana in 1956). However, Goldwater’s vote on the
Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides
Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide
defeat in 1964. While Goldwater had been depicted by his opponents
in the Republican primaries as a representative of a conservative philosophy that was extreme
and alien, his voting records show that his positions were in harmony with those of his
fellow Republicans in the Congress. What distinguished him from his predecessors was, according to
Hans J. Morgenthau, his firmness of principle and determination, which did not allow him
to be content with mere rhetoric.Goldwater fought in 1971 to stop U.S. funding of the
United Nations after the People’s Republic of China was admitted to the organization.
He said: I suggested on the floor of the Senate today
that we stop all funds for the United Nations. Now, what that’ll do to the United Nations,
I don’t know. I have a hunch it would cause them to fold up, which would make me very
happy at this particular point. I think if this happens, they can well move their headquarters
to Peking or Moscow and get ’em out of this country.===Political relationships===
Goldwater was grief-stricken by the assassination of Kennedy and was greatly disappointed that
his opponent in 1964 would not be Kennedy but instead his Vice President, former Senate
Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas. Goldwater disliked Johnson (saying he, “….used
every dirty trick in the bag”), and Richard Nixon of California (whom he later called,
“…the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life.”). After Goldwater again became
a senator, he urged Nixon to resign at the height of the Watergate scandal, warning that
fewer than 10 senators would vote against conviction if Nixon were impeached by the
House of Representatives. The term “Goldwater moment” has since been used to describe situations
when influential members of Congress disagree so strongly with a president from their own
party that they openly oppose him.===Goldwater and the revival of American
conservatism===Although Goldwater was not as important in
the American conservative movement as Ronald Reagan after 1965, he shaped and redefined
the movement from the late 1950s to 1964. Arizona Senator John McCain, who had succeeded
Goldwater in the Senate in 1987, summed up Goldwater’s legacy, “He transformed the Republican
Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of
Ronald Reagan.” Columnist George Will remarked after the 1980 presidential election that
it took 16 years to count the votes from 1964 and Goldwater won.The Republican Party recovered
from the 1964 election debacle, acquiring 47 seats in the House of Representatives in
the 1966 mid-term election. Further Republican successes ensued, including Goldwater’s return
to the Senate in 1969. In January of that year, Goldwater wrote an article in the National
Review “affirming that he [was] not against liberals, that liberals are needed as a counterweight
to conservatism, and that he had in mind a fine liberal like Max Lerner”.Goldwater was
a strong supporter of environmental protection. He explained his position in 1969: I feel very definitely that the [Nixon] administration
is absolutely correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities
that continue to pollute the nation’s air and water. While I am a great believer in
the free competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger
believer in the right of our people to live in a clean and pollution-free environment.
To this end, it is my belief that when pollution is found, it should be halted at the source,
even if this requires stringent government action against important segments of our national
economy. Throughout the 1970s, as the conservative
wing under Reagan gained control of the party, Goldwater concentrated on his Senate duties,
especially in military affairs. He played little part in the election or administration
of Richard Nixon, but he helped force Nixon’s resignation in 1974. In 1976, he helped block
Rockefeller’s renomination as vice president. When Reagan challenged Ford for the presidential
nomination in 1976, Goldwater endorsed Ford, looking for consensus rather than conservative
idealism. As one historian notes, “The Arizonan had lost much of his zest for battle.”In 1979,
when President Carter normalized relations with Communist China, Goldwater and some other
senators sued him in the Supreme Court, arguing that the president could not terminate the
Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with Republic of China (Taiwan) without the approval of
Congress. The case, Goldwater v. Carter 444 U.S. 996, was dismissed by the court as a
political question.==Later life==By the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan as president
and the growing involvement of the religious right in conservative politics, Goldwater’s
libertarian views on personal issues were revealed; he believed that they were an integral
part of true conservatism. Goldwater viewed abortion as a matter of personal choice and
as such supported abortion rights.As a passionate defender of personal liberty, he saw the religious
right’s views as an encroachment on personal privacy and individual liberties. In his 1980
Senate reelection campaign, Goldwater won support from religious conservatives but in
his final term voted consistently to uphold legalized abortion and, in 1981, gave a speech
on how he was angry about the bullying of American politicians by religious organizations,
and would “fight them every step of the way”. Goldwater also disagreed with the Reagan administration
on certain aspects of foreign policy (for example, he opposed the decision to mine Nicaraguan
harbors). Notwithstanding his prior differences with Dwight D. Eisenhower, Goldwater in a
1986 interview rated him the best of the seven presidents with whom he had worked.
He introduced the 1984 Cable Franchise Policy and Communications Act, which allowed local
governments to require the transmission of public, educational, and government access
(PEG) channels, barred cable operators from exercising editorial control over content
of programs carried on PEG channels, and absolved them from liability for their content.
On May 12, 1986, Goldwater was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President
Ronald Reagan. After his retirement in 1987, Goldwater described
the Arizona Governor Evan Mecham as “hardheaded” and called on him to resign, and two years
later stated that the Republican party had been taken over by a “bunch of kooks”.He is
a 1987 recipient of the Langley Gold Medal from the Smithsonian Institution. In 1988,
in recognition of his career, Princeton University’s American Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Goldwater
the James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service.In a 1994 interview with The
Washington Post, the retired senator said, When you say “radical right” today, I think
of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to
take the Republican party and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens,
kiss politics goodbye. Goldwater visited the small town of Bowen,
Illinois, in 1989 to see where his mother was raised.
In response to Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell’s opposition to the nomination of
Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, “Every good Christian
should be concerned”, Goldwater retorted: “Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell
right in the ass.” (According to John Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians
ought to kick Falwell in the “nuts”, but the news media “changed the anatomical reference.”)
Goldwater also had harsh words for his one-time political protegé, President Reagan, particularly
after the Iran–Contra Affair became public in 1986. Journalist Robert MacNeil, a friend
of Goldwater’s from the 1964 Presidential campaign, recalled interviewing him in his
office shortly afterward. “He was sitting in his office with his hands on his cane…
and he said to me, ‘Well, aren’t you going to ask me about the Iran arms sales?’ It had
just been announced that the Reagan administration had sold arms to Iran. And I said, ‘Well,
if I asked you, what would you say?’ He said, ‘I’d say it’s the god-damned stupidest foreign
policy blunder this country’s ever made!'”, though aside from the Iran–Contra scandal,
Goldwater thought nonetheless that Reagan was a good president. In 1988 during that
year’s presidential campaign, he pointedly told vice-presidential nominee Dan Quayle
at a campaign event in Arizona “I want you to go back and tell George Bush to start talking
about the issues.”Some of Goldwater’s statements in the 1990s alienated many social conservatives.
He endorsed Democrat Karan English in an Arizona congressional race, urged Republicans to lay
off Bill Clinton over the Whitewater scandal, and criticized the military’s ban on homosexuals:
He said that “Everyone knows that gays have served honorably in the military since at
least the time of Julius Caesar” and that “You don’t need to be ‘straight’ to fight
and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight.” A few years before his death
he addressed establishment Republicans by saying, “Do not associate my name with anything
you do. You are extremists, and you’ve hurt the Republican party much more than the Democrats
have.”In 1996, he told Bob Dole, whose own presidential campaign received lukewarm support
from conservative Republicans: “We’re the new liberals of the Republican party. Can
you imagine that?” In that same year, with Senator Dennis DeConcini, Goldwater endorsed
an Arizona initiative to legalize medical marijuana against the countervailing opinion
of social conservatives.==Hobbies and interests=====Amateur radio===
Goldwater was an avid amateur radio operator from the early 1920s onwards, with the call
signs 6BPI, K3UIG and K7UGA. The last is now used by an Arizona club honoring him as a
commemorative call. During the Vietnam War he was a Military Affiliate Radio System (MARS)
operator.Goldwater was a prominent spokesman for amateur radio and its enthusiasts. Beginning
in 1969 up to his death he appeared in numerous educational and promotional films (and later
videos) about the hobby that were produced for the American Radio Relay League (the United
States national society representing the interests of radio amateurs) by such producers as Dave
Bell (W6AQ), ARRL Southwest Director John R. Griggs (W6KW), Alan Kaul (W6RCL), Forrest
Oden (N6ENV), and the late Roy Neal (K6DUE). His first appearance was in Dave Bell’s The
World of Amateur Radio where Goldwater discussed the history of the hobby and demonstrated
a live contact with Antarctica. His last on-screen appearance dealing with “ham radio” was in
1994, explaining a then-upcoming, Earth-orbiting ham radio relay satellite.
Electronics was a hobby for Goldwater beyond amateur radio. He enjoyed assembling Heathkits,
completing more than 100 and often visiting their maker in Benton Harbor, Michigan, to
buy more, before the company exited the kit business in 1992.===Kachina dolls===In 1916, Goldwater visited the Hopi Reservation
with Phoenix architect John Rinker Kibby, and obtained his first kachina doll. Eventually
his doll collection included 437 items and was presented in 1969 to the Heard Museum
in Phoenix.===Photography===
Goldwater was an amateur photographer and in his estate left some 15,000 of his images
to three Arizona institutions. He was very keen on candid photography. He got started
in photography after receiving a camera as a gift from his wife on their first Christmas
together. He was known to use a 4×5 Graflex, Rolleiflex, 16 mm Bell and Howell motion picture
camera, and 35 mm Nikkormat FT. He was a member of the Royal Photographic Society from 1941
becoming a Life Member in 1948.For decades, he contributed photographs of his home state
to Arizona Highways and was best known for his Western landscapes and pictures of native
Americans in the United States. Three books with his photographs are People and Places,
from 1967; Barry Goldwater and the Southwest, from 1976; and Delightful Journey, first published
in 1940 and reprinted in 1970. Ansel Adams wrote a foreword to the 1976 book.Goldwater’s
photography interests occasionally crossed over with his political career. John F. Kennedy,
as president, was known to invite former congressional colleagues to the White House for a drink.
On one occasion, Goldwater brought his camera and photographed President Kennedy. When Kennedy
received the photo, he returned it to Goldwater, with the inscription, “For Barry Goldwater—Whom
I urge to follow the career for which he has shown such talent—photography!—from his
friend – John Kennedy.” This quip became a classic of American political humor after
it was made famous by humorist Bennett Cerf. The photo itself was prized by Goldwater for
the rest of his life, and recently sold for $17,925 in a Heritage auction.Son Michael
Prescott Goldwater formed the Goldwater Family Foundation with the goal of making his father’s
photography available via the internet. (Barry Goldwater Photographs) was launched in September
2006 to coincide with the HBO documentary Mr. Conservative, produced by granddaughter
CC Goldwater.===UFOs===
On March 28, 1975, Goldwater wrote to Shlomo Arnon: “The subject of UFOs has interested
me for some long time. About ten or twelve years ago I made an effort to find out what
was in the building at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base where the information has been
stored that has been collected by the Air Force, and I was understandably denied this
request. It is still classified above Top Secret.” Goldwater further wrote that there
were rumors the evidence would be released, and that he was “just as anxious to see this
material as you are, and I hope we will not have to wait much longer.”The April 25, 1988,
issue of The New Yorker carried an interview where Goldwater said he repeatedly asked his
friend, General Curtis LeMay, if there was any truth to the rumors that UFO evidence
was stored in a secret room at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, and if he (Goldwater) might
have access to the room. According to Goldwater, an angry LeMay gave him “holy hell” and said,
“Not only can’t you get into it but don’t you ever mention it to me again.”In a 1988
interview on Larry King’s radio show, Goldwater was asked if he thought the U.S. Government
was withholding UFO evidence; he replied “Yes, I do.” He added: I certainly believe in aliens in space. They
may not look like us, but I have very strong feelings that they have advanced beyond our
mental capabilities… I think some highly secret government UFO investigations are going
on that we don’t know about—and probably never will unless the Air Force discloses
them.==Goldwater Scholarship==
The Barry M. Goldwater Scholarship and Excellence in Education Program was established by Congress
in 1986. Its goal is to provide a continuing source of highly qualified scientists, mathematicians,
and engineers by awarding scholarships to college students who intend to pursue careers
in these fields. The Scholarship is widely considered the most
prestigious award in the U.S. conferred upon undergraduates studying the sciences. It is
awarded to about 300 students (college sophomores and juniors) nationwide in the amount of $7500
per academic year (for their senior year, or junior and senior years). It honors Goldwater’s
keen interest in science and technology.==Death==Goldwater’s public appearances ended in late
1996 after he suffered a massive stroke; family members then disclosed he was in the early
stages of Alzheimer’s disease. He died on May 29, 1998, at the age of 89 at his long-time
home in Paradise Valley, Arizona, of complications from the stroke. His funeral was co-officiated
by both a reverend and a rabbi. His ashes were buried at the Episcopal Christ Church
of the Ascension in Paradise Valley, Arizona. A memorial statue set in a small park has
been erected to honor the memory of Goldwater in that town, near his former home and current
resting place.==Legacy=====Buildings and monuments===Among the buildings and monuments named after
Barry Goldwater are: the Barry M. Goldwater Terminal at Phoenix Sky Harbor International
Airport, Goldwater Memorial Park in Paradise Valley, Arizona, the Barry Goldwater Air Force
Academy Visitor Center at the United States Air Force Academy, and Barry Goldwater High
School in northern Phoenix. In 2010, former Arizona Attorney General Grant Woods, himself
a Goldwater scholar and supporter, founded the Goldwater Women’s Tennis Classic Tournament
to be held annually at the Phoenix Country Club in Phoenix. On February 11, 2015, a statue
of Goldwater by Deborah Copenhaver Fellows was unveiled by U.S. House and Senate leaders
at a dedication ceremony in National Statuary Hall of the U.S. Capitol building in Washington,
D.C. Barry Goldwater Peak is the highest peak in the White Tank Mountains.===Documentary===
Goldwater’s granddaughter, CC Goldwater, has co-produced with longtime friend and independent
film producer Tani L. Cohen a documentary on Goldwater’s life, Mr. Conservative: Goldwater
on Goldwater, first shown on HBO on September 18, 2006.===In popular culture===
In his song “I Shall Be Free No. 10”, Bob Dylan refers to Goldwater: “I’m liberal to
a degree, I want everybody to be free. But if you think I’ll let Barry Goldwater move
in next door and marry my daughter, you must think I’m crazy.”==
Military awards==Command Pilot Badge
Service Pilot Badge (former U.S. Army Air Forces rating)
Legion of Merit Air Medal
Army Commendation Medal American Defense Service Medal
American Campaign Medal European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal
Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with campaign star
World War II Victory Medal Armed Forces Reserve Medal with three bronze
hourglasses==Other awards==
Presidential Medal of Freedom (1986) American Legion Distinguished Service Medal
Marconi Gold Medal, Veteran Wireless Operators Association (1968)
Marconi Medal of Achievement (1968) Bob Hope Five Star Civilian Award (1976)
Good Citizenship Award, Daughters of the American Revolution
33rd Degree Mason The Douglas MacArthur Memorial Award
Top Gun Award, Luke Air Force Base Order of Fifinella Award – Champion of the
Women Air Force Service Pilots (WASP) (1978) Thomas D. White National Defense Award 1978
Conservative Digest Award (1980) Senator John Warner Award for Public Service
in the field of Nuclear Disarmament (1983) Alexander M. Haig, Jr. Memorial Award (1983)
National Congress of American Indians Congressional Award (1985)
Space Pioneer Award, Sixth Space Development Conference (1987)
James Madison Award, American Whig-Cliosophic Society (1988)==Books==
Goldwater, Barry (1960), The Conscience of a Conservative, ISBN 978-0-89526-540-1.
——— (1963), Why Not Victory? A Fresh Look at American policy, OCLC 25326755.
——— (1971), Conscience of a Majority, ISBN 978-0-671-78096-8.
——— (1976), The Coming Breakpoint, ISBN 978-0-02-544611-3.
——— (1977), Arizona, ISBN 978-0-938379-04-1. ——— (1980), With No Apologies: The Personal
and Political Memoirs of Senator Barry M. Goldwater, ISBN 978-0-688-03547-1.
——— (1988), Goldwater (autobiography), ISBN 978-0-385-23947-9.==Relatives==
Goldwater’s son, Barry Goldwater Jr., served as a Congressman from California from 1969
to 1983. He was the first Congressman to serve while having a father in the Senate. Goldwater’s
uncle Morris Goldwater served in the Arizona territorial and state legislatures and as
mayor of Prescott, Arizona. Goldwater’s nephew, Don Goldwater, sought the Arizona Republican
Party nomination for Governor of Arizona in 2006, but was defeated by Len Munsil.==See also==
Barry Goldwater portal Electoral history of Barry Goldwater
Goldwater Institute Goldwater rule==Notes====
References=====
Primary===Gallup, George H, ed. (1972), The Gallup Poll:
Public Opinion, 1935–1971, 3 Hess, Karl (1967), In A Cause That Will Triumph:
The Goldwater Campaign and the Future of Conservatism (memoir), OCLC 639505 by Goldwater’s speechwriter===Secondary===
Brennan, Mary C (1995), Turning Right in the Sixties: The Conservative Capture of the GOP,
University of North Carolina Press, ISBN 978-0807858646 Donaldson, Gary (2003), Liberalism’s last
hurrah: the presidential campaign of 1964, ISBN 978-0765611192
Edwards, Lee (1997), Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (biography), ISBN 978-0895264305
Goldberg, Robert Alan (1995), Barry Goldwater, ISBN 978-0300072570, the standard scholarly
biography Hodgson, Godfrey (1996), The World Turned
Right Side Up: A History of the Conservative Ascendancy in America, ISBN 978-0395822944
Matthews, Jeffrey J (1997), “To Defeat a Maverick: The Goldwater Candidacy Revisited, 1963–1964”,
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 27 (1): 662+ Perlstein, Rick (2001), Before the Storm:
Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus, New York: Hill & Wang, ISBN 978-0-8090-2859-7
Shepard, Christopher. “A True Jeffersonian: The Western Conservative Principles of Barry
Goldwater and His Vote Against the Civil Rights Act of 1964.” Journal of the West. 49, no.
1, (2010): 34–40 Shermer, Elizabeth Tandy (ed.) (2013). Barry
Goldwater and the Remaking of the American Political Landscape. Tucson, AZ: University
of Arizona Press, 2013. ISBN 978-0816521098 Smith, Dean. The Goldwaters of Arizona (1986),
includes brief coverage of the parents. ISBN 978-0873583954
White, Theodore (1965), The Making of the President: 1964, ISBN 978-0061900617==External links==United States Congress. “Barry Goldwater (id:
G000267)”. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
Appearances on C-SPAN “Barry Goldwater, Presidential Contender”
from C-SPAN’s The Contenders The Goldwater Institute

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